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Me speech of 

// 

Delivered in the Senate of Kentucky* on the Gth day of February 1823, on 

the Resolutions offered by Mr. Bendy of Pulaski, as a substitute to the 

Resolutions reported by the Committee, on Internal Improvements. The 

fyth Resolution being under consideration in the following words, towit: 

"This legislature views with deep concern and feelings of just indignation, the 
efforts that are now making throughout the United States, to blast the reputation 
of the distinguished members of Congress from this 8tate, who voted for John Q. 
Adams to bo President of the United States. They have no hesitation in saying, 
it is their confirmed opinion, from great deliberation and a full examination of all 
the facts and evidence adduced, that the charges <>f bargain, sale and corruption, 
in the election of John Q, Adams, are utterly false and malicious that they are 
brought forward, and endeavored to be sustained for party purposes, and to ele- 
vate General Jackson ts TIIK OFFICE OF rKKilliEN'T OF THE UfilTED ST4TES." 

Mr. Pope moved the following amendment, vtz. 

And this General Assembly feel it thoir duty further to declare, that the char- 
ges made against John Q. Adams, before the last Presidential election, in the wes- 
tnn country, in the public prints and pamphlets, that he was hostile to the rights 
and interests of the west, and that he attempted, in tbe negotiation at Ghent, to 
sacrifice or prejudice the nght3 or interests of the western country, are utterly 
false, and were brought forward and circulated to destroy the confidence of the 
western people in the said John Quincy Adams, and to promote the views of a 
rival candidate. 

Mr. Daveiss rose and said; That he could not vote for the amend- 
ment odl: red by the honorable gentleman from Washington, as he had 
been taught to believe, from every thin;; he had seen in the public 
prints or otherwise, that Mr. Adams bed long been an enemy to the, 
West, and had attempted to cede array the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi to the Biiii-h government, at the treaty of Ghent. These were 
the declarations of Mr. Clav and hb friends anterior to the Presidential 
election. (Mr. D. wag here interrupted by Mr. Wickliffe, who denied 
the charge of Mr. Clays having ever aaid any thing about Mr. Adams, 
and calicd upon the gentleman from Mercer to furnish the house with 
some responsible witness to support the statement lie had made.) Mr* 
Daveiss said that he had the evidence at hand. 1 will take the liber- 
ty of presenting to the house, certain numbers addressed to the people 
of Ohio under the signature of Wayne, which were published in the 
Cincinnati Gazette, in the year 1822, and afterwards republished in 
the Argus of Western America. These numbers paid Mr. D. I now 
hold in my hand. (Mr. Wickliffe again interrupted Mr, Daveiss, by 
observing that he had called upon the gentleman for a responsible ajfaw 
nes?, whose name would be surrendered up.) Mr. Daveiss said tjjr^*^s 
hoped the gentleman would have patience; before he was dome !k: 
would render the evidence complete; 1 state, continued Mr. D. upon 



. % 



* *^r ( 2 ) 



the most unquestionable authority, that these Humbers were written by 
a citizen of Kentucky, and the manuscript sent to Mr. Clay. IJow they 
afterwards made their appearance in theCincinnaliGazette, will be fur 
Mr. Clay to account. 1 am now ready to piove the fact, it the gentle- 
man from Fayette requires it. The proof is now within the walls of 
tiiis house. I pause to see if the friends of Mr.- Clay will call for the 
proof* * * * * *. These numbers, particularly the third and fourth. pre- 
sent Mr. Adams in a most odious point of view to the people of the 
West,* and had the elfect to prostrate him, in that state as weil as Ken- 
tucky. In addition to this, we have already proved that Mr. Clay paid 
one hundred dollars to Mr* Tanner, to publish in pamphlet form, the 
Letters addressed by Amoii Kendall to John Quincy Adams. Most of 
the information which Mr. Kendall obtained, in relation to that business 
was from Mr. Clay himself, as proved by Mr. Kendall, the truth and 

^Extract from letters, published in the Cincinnati! Gazelle, and republished 
in the Jrgus, on the \4thand 21s.' November, 1822. 

1st Ohio presents no candidate for the Presidency at the approaching election. 
New York, with whose interest, next to those of her sister states in the west, Ohio 
is most intimately connected, oners no claimant whose prospects are not abso- 
lutely hopeless. At the head of those whoso pretensions are entitled to our serious 
consideration, is John Qnincy Adams, the present Secretary of SUte? Will 
Ohio choose him] What interest has he shown for your roads andcanals? Can it 
be expected that lie who would open to our rival and our enemy, the navigation 
of those canals dug by the hand of God, for the use of the increasing millions of 
Western America, will promote our trade by artificial ones? Instead of opening 
new avanues for our commerce, is it not to be feared that in some future treaty, to 
secure some paltry privileges to an eastern interest; he would render those which 
already exist a curse rather than a blessing. Our frontiers can testify that we 
want not those men at the helm of the nation, who would for a»y consideration, 
open new channel for British influence amongour northern and western Indians. 
The horrors of pas', wars are not iorgotten, and you will pause and count the value 
of many a brave mau's life, before you raise to power one whose unfeeling policy 
would crimson your fresh fields with the blocd of your border brethren, aTid light 
the midnight forest with the {flames of their dwellings. Men who would think cf 
concessions so disastrous, are unworthy the support of Ohio; much more so they 
who would reduce them to'a serious proposition. The navigation of the Mississippi 
is too important to be bartered for the privilege of fishing in the British waters. 
It is giving our wives and children for fish, and bartering the blood of our citizens 
for money. Conceal, explain and sophisticate as he will, this was the tendency of 
the proposition which was agitated at Ghent. Cut was this surprising? Under the 
same auspices, one of the most feilile provinces of the we-st adequate to the forma- 
tion of tro states, was given to the Spaniards; the state of Louisiana, one of the 
most important and weakest points of the Uniou was made a frontier, and exnosed 
to sudden invasion from the adjoining Empire. Is it a matter cf deepest concern 
with us to exterminate the Bi Irish influence among the northen and western Ir.- 
aiaHS? The blood of slaughtered friends cry out aloud tons from theground, 
"It is. The policy of Mr. Adama introduces Ihe British trader to the wigwam by 
opening to him, under the guardianship of a treaty, the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi. Shall we sanction this by sustaining him? 'is it a matter of the last moment 
tons, to protect our own navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi? Of wiiat value is 
the Ohio or Mississippi to us, if Louisiana be occupied by an enemy! Yet Mr. 
Adams is of the administration, which, in the traffic of territory, has made Louis- 
iana a frontier. With such principles Jwhn Q. Adarus can sever receive the sup- 
port of Ohio. He is too ignorant of our interests or he disregards them." 

xtract. "The importance of having western men in the national rm-ncils, 

is in all those situations where the interests of this section of the Unionare 

broii- t, ;n question, was never so Btrangly exemplified as in the transaction a'.ten- 



correctness of which, was endorsed by Mr. Clay, in giving the informa- 
tion, and aiding in their republication. I will here call the attention of 
the house to a few extracts, form that pamphlet. 

1st Letter, page 1st. "Against Mr. Clay, you have made charges, which, if 
true, must degrade liim in tlio estimation of his countrymen, and if not true, ought 
to disgrace you. In addition to numerous insinuation* scattered throughout your 
hook, you bare, in the introduction, charged him directy with having, at Ghent, 
"insisted, in principle, upon the sacrifice of an Eastern for the benefit ofaWestern 
interest," at the same time asserting, that the national interest which Mr. Clay 
thus insisted on sacrificing, was, compared With that for which the sacrifice was 
intended, as "a million against a cent." 

This is a serious charge. If it be true, Mr. Clay has compromited the interests 
of his country and does not deserve its confidence. If it ba not true, you have 
borne '-false witness against your neighbor," and deserve universal reprobation. 
That it is not true, we are bold to assert, and wo will prove oht assortioa by your 
own declarations." 

Again page 7. ''Letter ix will be supplitnental, inwhich we shall endeavor to 
show, as well by this as other transactions, that yon feel a direct hostility or total 
indifference to the interests of thissection of the Union, aad of course are not fit 
to preside over its destinies." 

Letter Cth, page 90. '-The repetition of such scenes would have been the fruit 
of your policy. It is remarkable, that a part of the Rickaree Indians on the dis- 
tant Missouri, in theirlatc attack or: a party of the Missouri Fur Company, which 
cost the lives of thirteen American citizens, were armed, as General Ashley tells 
us, with "London Fuzils." These they unquestionalby obtained before and du- 
ring the late war from the British traders, either as presents or in exchange for 
e kius: and will you still contend that the navigation of our western rivers by 
British subjects, leading thus to the rwin ofour trade and the murder of our citizens 
is "no injury to usl" Language fails when wo would express oar abhorrence of 
the policy which you have pursued, and the mind is bewildered in fixing the meas- 
ure of justice which is due to you from the nation for persevering in its justifica- 
tion. Had you acknowledged the dangers of admitting the British to the naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi aDd justified the offer by shewing that it was counterbal- 
anced by advantages elsewhere gained, you might havo boen pardoacd for erroror 
excused for ignorance. But you have denied that this navigation has been or 
would be any 'injury to us,' when you know that it has produced and would con- 
tinue to produce, the robbery and murdor of our citjzons. You have attempted 
to batter our blood — not, as you acknowledge, to purchase any new right — but to 

ding tbe treaty at Ghent. It was proposed to open the Mississippi, throughout its 
v. .ole extent, to the navigation of British subjects; thus giving them the most di- 
rect access to those numerous and warlike tribes of Indians which border on our 
northern and western frontier. That any American statesman, should far a mo- 
ment, have entertained so fatal a project is as strange as the fact is alarming. To 
the presence of an able western man , may we attribute the defeat and abandon- 
ment of that atrocious proposal. But for the exertions of Henry Clay, the seeds 
of war might uow have been sowing along our northern and western borders, 
which at no distant day, would have produced an abundant harvest of tears and 
blood. He found that a mr.jonty had rasolvcd to make the ratal proposition- With 
a firmness which should endear him to the people of the west; he protested that he 
would, sign no treaty which contained a stipulation so repugnant to his country's 
honour, and s.i dangerous to her iieaee. This firmness had the desired erl'ect.— 
The illustrious and lamented Bayard changed his mind, and then the west was 
saved. The danger we thus escaped, should sink deep into our hearts, and teach 
us a lesson as lasting as our lives. What would have been our fate, had not a wes- 
tern man been on»- ofour commissioners at Ghent'! The imminent danger, there 
averted, should admonish us not to trust our dearest rights wholly in the bands of 
strangers. It shows the interest we !i?ve in placing a distinguished western man 
al the helm (if the nation, and the justice of distributing to every section, itsdue 
share in foreign missions, as well <iS in tlv cabinet ilacrf." 

-WAYNE." 



■ [ 4 ] 

secure one which already exists, from wanton viola ti rt. Vim look to the West 
for justice — the West IcoUs for it to the East. She knows, that the East do*s not 
want her blood, and she calls upoa her elder sister to protect her -^aiust those 
statesmen whose pelicy would dismember her ten itory, destroy her trade and 
coinprorrcit her security." 

Letter 9, page 99. "Your hoL-tUHy to western interests again burst 
forth at Ghent. In trepidation, lest, perchance, the people, of Newr- 
Eugland lo-^e the liberty of fishing in British waters, you forgot the suffer- 
ings and dangers of the bleeding west, the obligations which you owed 
to your adventurous brethren in this sectionofthe Union.Tind even jour 
positive instructions. When called onto vindicate youi needless and 
unauthorised concessions, you equivocate, conceal faei ■ tcadict your- 
self, impeach the integrity of your coleaguc;:, attempt to prove our ri^ht 
to navigate the Mississippi a mere conditional British grant, while you 
shudder at (he application of the same principle to the fishing liberties; 
and linaliy assert that the Western country had no interest at stake; tii^t 
the navigation of our river never had been, and never could be of any 
injury to us, or 'benefit to the British*' thus adding insult and mockery 
to abandonment and injustice.'* 

It certainly cannot be the object of the gentleman from Fayette, to 
exclude all other evidence of Mr. Clay's opinions, in relation to Mr. A- 
dams than that which is merely oral.' Written evidence has always 
been considered the best. It is from those manuscripts which vvcrcta 
ken from the pocket of Mr, Clay;as well as from the letters addrc^ed 
to Mr. Adams, which were published in pamphlet form, that ! prove 
conclusively the opinions of Mr. Clay in relation to Mr. Adams before 
the last Presidential ejection. Gentlemen will have no alternative ; 
they must either admit the troth of the charges made by Mr. Clay a- 
gainst Mr. Adams, or else they must convict Mr. Clay of basely fabrica- 
ting the charges made against Mr. Adams forthe purpose of potting him 
down. If they were not true, permit me to ask every honorable gen- 
tleman in this house, if it was not the duty of Mr. Clay, to have publicly 
declared, as an act of common justice to Mr. Adams, that the charges 
made were untrue. Did he do^ go? Was he heard open any occasion 
to contradict those statements as mere fabrications? No; so far from 
having done so, he was actively engaged, in furnishing information to 
the writer, and contributing to their publication and circulation. Mr. 
Clay was (be only man in the Western country, who possessed the 
means of satisfying the public mind as to the truth or falsehood o! lho$e 
charges in relation to tin; treaty at Ghent. Indeed, his mere nlei i - 
v/as calculated to satisfy all that the charges were true. No one seemed 
to doubt their truih. lint upon the contrary the charges were almost uni- 
versally believed by every one. And it is only row when it has become 
necessary to support Mr. Adams, that we are fo have a new set of beln rs 
upon this subject. But 1 u ill show that even the gentleman from Fayette, 
in 1824, entertained the same opinion in relation to Mr. Adams. In his 
speech iu the House of Representatives, upon the subject ofelectiRg'i 



^nalortoUie Congress of the United Slates, he spoke of Mr. Adamsa 

n "Apostate Federalist," & an etfewiy of the Western Country. Hut h< 

is now ready to ihrowaway his former opinibn?,&; call in question the pur- 

ityci theop.-. >oflhose,whonbw think as he did then. Y< -.Mr. '- ' i 



[ 5 J 

kci, the short period of three years, has made a wonderful change in the 
opinions of some genlh mcr.. At that tunv the name of Mr. Adams, as 
President of Ihe Untied Slates, tilled their minds with a kind of horror. — 
The ridiculous value fixed by him, to the right of the British govern- 
ment to navigate the Mississippi, when compared U> the value of Urn 
fisheries, was in hie estimation, bragging "a million against a cent.' 1 '' — 
The Fisheries were estimated at one million, the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi at one cent. This was in the mouth of every one. None doubt- 
ed the effect which Mr. Adams' policy would have had upois the people 
of the Western Country ,.by permitting British traders to stir up the In- 
dians, to make war upon our north and northwestern frontiers. It is a 
fact well known that during the late war, it was generally believed 
that British traders had stirred up the Indians, to make war upon our 
defenceless frontiers, and murder our women and children, Afler the 
battle of Tipacanoe,ns well as my recollection now serves me, General 
Harrison, in one of his reports, stated that the Indians had been furnish- 
ed with a particular discription of guns and powder, which they must 
have sol from the British traders. Those whose friends perished in the late 
war, lccolUcl with sc}isibilily these circumstances. They could feel no oth- 
' r thau the utmost detestation, at a course of policy, which went to sur- 
render the navigation of the Mississippi, that mighty stream, which, with 
its tributary waters, carries the products of about ten states to a foreign 
market. It is also well known, that daring the last war, most of the 
savage tribes, were the allies of Great Britain. Mr* Adam;- could not 
have been ignorant of these facts at the treaty ofGhent. 

•hit we aie now called upon, by a solemn vote of this house, to place 
the seal of falsehood upon all that has been sard In relation to Mr. Adams. 
Arc gentleman new prepared to wheel to the right about, and declare 
that all that Mr. Clay and his friends have said upon this subject is un- 
true' Are they about to proclaim to the American people, that these 
statements, although the information was furnished by Mr. Clay, is a 
base slander upon Mr. Adams? Is that the point of view in which they 
are willing that Mr. Clay should be considered? Arc they now ready 
to throw him av ay and take Mr. Adams as the man of their council? — 
Or will they rather ^;\y, that Mr. Adams is the man who Mr. Clay said 
he was, an "apostate Federalist," an enemy to the West, who was will- 
ing to barter away the blood of onrcilizens, (6 secure the liberty of 
li>hing in British waters? For ore, 1 believe v. hat Mr. Clay said. The 
many important fact* connected with tin sc statements prove their 
truth. For my own part ! can view it but a little short of insult, to 
ask this house to rocommtMid Mr. Adam- to the American people, to 
preside over their destinies for tha next four years. We will presently 
see how gentlemen will vote upon this subject, and 1 trust they will 
prove their faith by their works. 

Mr. Daveisi having sat down and some farther discussion having ta- 
ken place. 

The question v. as then taken on the said amendment which was decided iu the 
negative. The Speaker voted in tic negative. 

The yoas and nays being required thereon by Messrs. Davciss at:d Garrard. 
were a> follows, to wit: 

1'er.s — Messrs. Beatty, Ctinninerb m, Grntcbcr, W. Green Ga id. Hardin, 



t 6 ] 

ilickman, M'Connel, M' Mill an, Mnldrour, Pope. Summer?, Taylor, White, 
Wotds, and Wickliffe— 16. 

Nays — Messrs. Allen, Cockerell, Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, Faulkner, Fleming-, 
Given, J. Green, J. Hughes, A. S. Hnglie3, Manpin, Rodman, Slaughter, Smith, 

and Wood — 16. 

The Speaker liaving announced that the question would be upon the 
adoption of said resolutions^ 

Mr. Daveiss again rose and said, that he bad little expected, after the 
parade which had been made in relation to Internal Improvements, ;»t 
the commencement of the session, that the report of the committee upon 
that subject would have been substituted by a set of Whitewashing res- 
olutions which has no connection with the original subject — instead of 
the Senate being engaged in maturing a system of internal Improve- 
ments, suited to the condition of the country — applying the funds ofthe 
state to useAill and beneficial purposes, we have been compelled to 
engage in the investigation of a subject which the Senate has no juris- 
diction of — and we are now told to my utter astonishment by gentlemen 
in the oposition, that the Jackson party in the House, are chargeable 
with this unwarrentable proceeding. This unjustifiable charge, outdoes 
even the resolutions themselves. Who began this business? Who was 
it that introduced these resolutions? Not one of the Jackson party, but 
the honorable gentlemaa from Pulaski (Mr. Beatty) as a species of in- 
dictment, against the whole Jackson party, not only in Kentucky hut 
throughout the United States, as b.n*a arid malicious slanderers. Did 
the mover of this resolution imrnagine that it would pass in silence? Did 
he expect no evidence would be henrd,altimugh the Resolutions declare 
that the Legislature has come to a Qovjirmed own/on, from great deliberation 
and a full examination of all the facts and evidences adduced' 1 . Did he intend 
the Journals to exhibit farts winch never existed, and proclaim the 
same to the world as true? Surley we cannot suppose that such was 
the object of the gentleman; he must have intended what the Resolu- 
tion plainly states, viz: that these was a full examination of all the evi- 
dences. 

it was not until tiv. v next day after these resolutions were introduced 
that the gentleman from Green moved the resolution to send for persons 
and papers in order thai the subjrc.t might be fully investigated. This 
resolution was not then adopted, but laid upon the table by a vote of 
the majority. I indulged the hone that the subject would never again 
foestired, and 1 took the liberty of suggesting to several of those with 
whom 1 acted that it was our duty to act upon the defensive, and unless 
the subject was called up by our political opponents, we would nut 
stir it. 1 was induced to tfcis by the consideration that I did not wish to 
eall in question the conduct oi' men who were not piesent. 1 knew 
that such an investigation was calculated to awaken angry feelings and 
probably cost '.lie state two or three thousnnd dollars. For these as 
well as many ether reasons, I felt desirous (hat the matter should rest, 
it was not, however* many days before the gentleman from Henderson 
(Mr. Locked) very unexpectedly called up the resolution to send for 
persons and papers which was immediate!) adopted and a day fixed for 
the commcnci mi til ofthe investigation, by homing witnesses at the bar 
•frhe Houvc ! now considered the Jai k'sbu part) as having no a'terna- 



E 7 ] 

live, but to resist by nil lawful means the unprovoked assault which 
wal made upon them. 1 rh«n believed that the investigation would 
cover those whoprovoked it, with shame, and expose the nakedness of 
(heir friends. Such has been the result if 1 atn not most grossly de~ 
( eived. 

Mi. Speaker, what a ridiculous spectacle in now presented to our 
\ iew by the resolution upon your table. Twenty Senators in this House 
have undertaken to arraign the sovereign people throughout the United 
States, who hare thought proper to disapprove of the conduct of their 
Representatives, or the maimer in whieh Messrs. Adam* and Clay came 
into power. They have not only arraigned them, but they are about to 
pass sentence of condemnation upon them as a set of base and malicious 
slanderers. It is a iiitle surprising that these modest patriots did cot, in 
their zeal, resolve that (he people should no longer think for themselves. 
I had supposed that the people had the exclusive right to approve or 
lisapprove of the conduct ef their public agents, and that the exercise of 
<uch a right would not be called in question by any portion of their 
representative?, however capricious it may have been; in this it seems 
am mistaken. Twenty Senators have undertaken to think for a majority 
>f the people of this state, and because, they have thought different from 
hem they are about to oust them by tenlmee of ex-communication* from all 
he rights and privileges of fretnuu. This arrogant assumption of power 
oust everywhere be viewed with the most sovereign contempt. But 
here is another point of view in which this subject may be considered: 
Since (he last Presidential election the people have every where cx- 
iressed their opinions at the polls, and in many instances, turned their 
epresentalives out of office, because they disregarded the public will in 
'oting for Mr. Adams. Such hag been the case in Kentucky: Eight out 
)f twelve of our representatives voted for Mr. Adams. So far from the 
x ople approving the act, several of them were turned out of office on 
hat account and two thirds have since been elected in favor of 
Sen. Jackson. What shall we do? The opinion of the people is now 
ibont to be reversed by a vote of this House ! They are plainly told 
hat they are not capable of forming a correct judgment in relation to 
;he conduct of their representatives; that they are either knaves or fools, 
ind if they call in question the conduct of any of their representatives, 
n voting for John O. Adams, they are a set of malicious slanderers. 
Query: In order to give this resolution its full effect, ought not the last 
election, so far as it respects Messrs, Trimble and Johnston to be de- 
clared vofd and they restored to all the rights and privileges of con- 
Tress-men! for nothing is more clear than if the Senate has the legitimate 
right to reverse the acta of the people in their elective franchise, they 
nave the right to carry their mandates into effect. 

When wc cast our eyes over the United Stales, do we not find the 
same spirit of dissatisfaction in relation to the last Presidential election, 
which exists in Kentucky— what has produced such a burst of indigna- 
tion in almost every part of the union ! What 1 say has produced those 
indignant feelings? The answer is: because Messrs. Adams 
und Clay got into office in opposition lo the known will of the paople. — It 
is that which ha* agitated the people from north lo soflth, from east to 



t 8 j 

west, in (his gre.it republic. — It is that which has brought upon f| <s 
floor of the two houses of Congress, ;i dead majority against the .Admin- 
istration — for it is the first time that any administration has been in a 
minority since ihe. commencement of the government. 

It is that dissatisfaction which has aroused the people into action; 
lead them to convene, and by their Resolves placed ihe seal ol reproba> 
tion upon what has taken place. Notwithstanding alTtbese. irresislable 
evidences furnished by the people themselves, they are about to he di ■- 
nouhced hy a little party in this House as base and malicious slander- 
oUfg* Yes Mr. Sj I-- r, they are tq be enilcd malicious slanderours, be- 
••<nn-e they have dared tq erquire into the conduct of their public a- 
. -.its and hurled from orEre^ those who have disregarded their will, and 
violated their lights. If these are not the reasons which have led to the 
resolution new before us — f would ho glad (hat gentlemen would in- 
form us what other reasons there are which have actuated them in thus 
denouncing their political opponents? Do they bejieve. that even the 
iljscreet men of their own part) will give countenance to such an extra- 
ordinary proceeding? one which gpes to destroy that sovereign agency 
of the people themselves in the affairs.af government. Do ycu believe 
(hat any portion of the people, let them belong to what political party 
they may. will he willing to surrender up these essential rights which 
was purchased by the blood of their ancestors? Suppose you were to 
give them a plain unvarnished siatement ot'facts; say to them that 
previous to the last presidential election ilio people of Kentucky 
through their legislature, requested their Representatives in Congress 
to vote for Gen. Jackson as President; That Mr. Clay and Mr. Adam-, 
were violent enemies ofenchoiher; That Mr. Clay had been secretly 
engaged for years writing Mr. Adams down in the western country — 
That several of our Representatives had denounced Mr, Adams a&an 
apostate federalist, an enemy of the west, who had attempted to barter 
away the navigation of thy Mississippi to secure the fisheries — that not- 
withstanding this, Mr. Clay with seven others of our Representatives 
disregarded ihe will of the people, and made Mr. Adams President, and 
!Vjr, Adams made Mr. Clay Secretary of State — That the people of 
Kentucky as well as in many other parts of the United States were in- 
dignant at the act; and at the nextCong eseiona] election turned n por- 
tion of their Representatives out of office cous'rdenng the stiange coali- 
tion between Messrs. Ad una and Clay a kind of bargain and sale. And 
for (Ins, we, a majority of the S mate of Kentucky, I denowced the 
people as malicious slanderous — And now .we ask you fo say if you do 
not entirely approve of what we ha : < >i .- \\ hat <\o we suppose the 
answer would be from any man who possessed.? decent respect for his 
own as well as the rights of his fellow-citizens? Would he not enquire, 
from whence yon derived such an authority? When and where has the 
people surrendered into your hands this power of becoming public Sen- 
drs of the neoDle th unselves? If such a right can be exercised with 
impu sit- . then indeed the people are ;\o longer sovereign. 

But we are b Id by Gentlemen in the opposition that there has been 
an entire failure of evidence. It wouli ■ been surprising If 

such had been the c.i\ c. when but a few days wos afforded to collect ei ; 



I. 9 , 

dence to unravel li.i- mysterious transaction. fi is not presumable thai 
any gentleman h.i- calculated to hear evidence oi*;i formal contractor the 
production of a writing signed by the parties and duly attested by 
witnesses. It is onlv bv circumstantial evidence that we can be ex- 
pected to prove the motives that lead to the unholy alliance between 
Messrs. Adams and Clay. 

But before we go into the particular evidence which has been heard, 
are we not at the thresh-hold lead to enquire, how it happened, that 
Messrs. Adams and Clay, who were violent enemies anterior 
to the presidential election, should all at once become reconciled to 
each other. How could Mr. Clay become the friend of a man whom he 
considered an apostate federalist, opposed to the interests of the people 
of the West, and whose conduct he had been engaged exposing for 
years before that time. He either believed it, or he did not; that he 
did believe it is presumable, because a majority of this House has this 
day upon their oaths of office rejected the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Washington. This House has solemnly endorsed 
the truth of those charges against Mr. Adams. Notwithstanding which, 
they are called upon, by a solemn vote to recommend Mr. Adam- to the 
American people to preside over their destenies for the next four years. 
But again if those charges were untrue and Mr. Adams was conscious 
of his innocence, how could he take to his bosom the man who had been 
his secret defamer. by making him Secretary ofState. There is-n strange- 
ness about this business which cannot be accounted for by any of the 
ordinary rules of calculation. It is worthy of notice, that every exertion 
has been used to stifle the evidence by the very gentlemen who have 
paradcfully told us that they defied the production of any. But no 
sooner is the evidence produced than their affrighted imaginations 
shrink from the investigation, and a kind of special pleading is introdu- 
ced. — They even vote against the witnesses being sworn.* les, the 
very gentlemen who introduced the Resolutions, and who would have 
the Senate to say upon oath that after a full examination of all the fact* 
and evidence adduced, that the charge of bargain sale and coi nipt ion in the. 
election of Jahn Q. Adams, are utterly false and malicious, is unwilling fo 

*Mr. Pope moved that Mr. Blair be sworn as a witness. 

And the question being takeu thereon, it was decided in the affirmative. 

The Yeas and Nays being required thereon by Messrs. Davc»iss and Pope, was 
as follows, to wit: 

Yeas Messrs. Allen, Cockerel!, Cunningham, Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, W. 
GreeD, A. S. Hughes, Hickman, Lockett, Maupin, Pope, Selby, Summers, Smith 
and Wicklille— 16 

NaysMessre.Beatty, Faulkner, J.Green,Gibson, Hardin, M'Conncl,M'Millian, 
Muldrow. Taylor, White and Woods — 1 1 

See Senate J ournals of the last session, page 3ntj. &- 

Again Mr. Daveiss more ithat Mr. Harrison be sworn as a witness. 

And the question being taken thereon it was decided in the affirmative 

The Yeas and Nays being requiried tiiereon by Messrs. Hardin and Davci's 
were as follows, to wit: 

Yeas Messrs. Allen. Cockerell, Cunningham; Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, W. 
Green,!A. S. Hughs, Hickman, Maupin, Pope, Selby, Summers, Smith and Wick- 
liffe— 15. 

Nays Messrs. Bcatty, Faulkner, J. Green, Gibson, Hardin, Lockett, M'Cos- 
nsll,M'Millian, Muldrow, Taylor, White and Woods— 13 



( 10 ) 

have the witnesses sworn, least perhaps, the truth would be exposed. — 
This disposition to prevent a fair enquiry is very clearly evidenced in ex- 
eluding the statements of David White who was one of the members of 
Congress that voted for Mr. Adams.* We were told that we might prove 
the statements of any of the Members of Congress from Kentucky who 
voted for Mr. Adam?, except Mr. White, and the pretext for excepting 
him is that he lives within twelve miles of the seat of government and 
could be called as a witness himself. If this exception was good. why was 
it not extended to David Trimble and Francis Johnston; both of whom 
are in the Slate and voted for Mr. Adams? Why permit us to prove 
their statements, when they could be equally brought and examined as 
witnesses. The process of this House will extend to any part of the 
State, so as to compel the attendance of witnesses. Does not every man 
of common sense see that this exclusion of evidence was founded in mere 
caprice and that no evidence would be admitted which could by any 
plausible pretext be prevented. But the absurdity of calling Dav.d 
White to acquit himself of a dereliction of duty must be apparent to all. 
It was well known that the statements of Mr. White had been very ex- 

* Amos Kendall was also swoi n, and in the progress of his examination, was re- 
quested by Mr. Pope, to state, what lie had heard David White, one of the mem- 
bers of Congress from Kentucky say, were the reasons which induced him to vote 
for Mr. Adonis as President of the United States? 

Any answer to this question was objected to by Mr. Hardin, because, first. Da- 
vid White, the person alluded to in the foregoing interrogatory, lives within 
twelve miles of this place; secondly: because this Senate does not regard any 
thing that Mr. White may have said, going to prove guilt Upon himself, because 
it is not considered that his character is in qBcatiuu here, in this investigation; 
thirdly: because of the total impossibility of coniining his siatemens to himself 
?lone, unconnected with other individuate implicated in the charge; and, fourth- 
ly; because the ttatement of Mr. White before the Senate, on oath, is better ev- 
idence than any looso unguarded statements he may have made when not on oath. 

And the question being taken whether Mr Kendal!, the witness, should an- 
swer the said question, it was decided in the negative. 

The yeas and nays being required thareuu by Messrs. Daveiss and Hardin, were 
as follows, viz. 

YEAS — Messrs. Allen, Barrett, Cockerill, Daveiss, Dudley, Daniel, J. Hughes, 
A. S. Hughes, Maupin, Pope, Rodman, Selby, Smith aud Wood — 14, 

NAYS — Mas^rcj. Beatty, Cunningham, Crutoher, Pulkner, Fleming, Given, 
W. Green. J Green, Garrard, Gibson, Hardin, Hickman, Lockett, M'Connell, 
M'Millan, Muldrow, Summers, Taylor, White, Woods and Wickliffe — SI. 

Mr. Daveiss thca asked Mr. Johnson whether he did or did not heirseid David 
White state, some time before ihe election of Mr. Adams as President, that if he 
was elected, it was understood that Mr. Clay was to bs made secretary of state 

Any answer to this question was objected toby Mr. Hardin, for the reason alrea- 
dy assigned ia the former objections to what David White should have said, and a 
reference is here made to said objections, and because the same question, in sub- 
stance, has been decided three several timas by the Senate. 

And the question being taken, shall the question be answered by the witness* it 
was decided in the negative. 

The yeas and nays being required theroon by Messrs. Daveiss and Pope, were 
as follows, to-wil; 

> YEAS — Messres. Allen, Barrett, Cockcrill, Daviess, Dudley, Daniel, J. Hughes, 
A. S. Hughes, Maupin, Pope, Rodman. Selby aud Smith — 1>. 

NAYS — Messrs. Beally, Cunningham, Faulkner, W. Green, J. Green, Garrard. 
.Gibson, Hardin, Hickman, Locket, M'Connell, M^iillan' Muldrow, Summers, 
vlor White, Woods and Wickhfie— 19. 



C 11 .3 

plicitns to the motives which induced him to vote Tor Mr. Adams. — In 
short his statements had been very candidly, and honestly' made, and 
calculated to remove all doubt upon the subject. I will not animad- 
vertjupon the illiberial observations made in relation to Mr. White by the 
gentleman fromNelson. 1 feel myself bound to say as an act of justice to 
Mr. JVhlte, that he did not merit the illiberal course which has been 
persued towards him. I presume however, that his crime consists in 
h\< having told the truth in relation to this business. 

I will now said Mr. Daveiss examine the evidence we have heard, 
and see what has been proved by others. 

Several witnesses have proved that in the summer of 1824, while 
Mr, David Trimble w,is Electioneering for Congress, he was frequently 
heard to abuse Mr. Adams as an apostate federalist, an enemy to the west, 
mho had offered at the treaty of Ghent to crde away the navigation of the 
jMississippi to the British Government for the purpose of securing the Fishc< 
nes, and said if he. ever voted for him, he -woul<( agree to be called a Federal- 
ist as long as he lived. — It is also proved that Mr. Francis Johnston a- 
bout the same tima made shriilar declarations of his political dislike 
to Mr. Adams, arising from the same cause. Upon their return from 
Congress the next spring or summer in attempting to accouut to their 
constituents, why it was they voted for Mr. Adams, they both give the 
same reasons— & what were those reasons? That they distinctly ascertained 
that if Mi. Adams was made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary 
of State. This is the excuse which both offer for their strange incon- 
sistant course, and thus it was that their strong opposition to Mr. Adams 
was overcome. But when we add to this that the Legislature had al- 
most unanimously requested our members in Congress to vote for Gen. 
Jackson, when we have proved that Mr. Johnston a few weeks before 
the presidential election, stated that he had got a number ofletters 
from home which told him to stick to Old Hickory, and give them a zees- 
tern President what ever he did; when no one can doubt but that Mr. 
Johnston distinctly understood the will of his constituents, as well as 
the wishes of his state, our astonishment is the more increased, and the 
only rational mode of accounting for their conduct, is in their own lan- 
guage, that they had distinctly ascertained, that if Mr. Adams was 
made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary, but that if Gen. 
Jackson was made President he would not. 

Thus it was that the man who had been so bitterly denounced,as an 
apostate Federalist, an enemy to the West, who wanted to barter away 
the navigation of the Mississippi, was in a few weeks metamorphosied, 
into a pure patriot, a friend to the West, and a lover ot all our rights. — 
Legislative instructions, as well as the will of the people were entirely 
disregarded, for the purpose of aggrandzing Mr Clay, and the wishes of 
an individual had to be attended to, regardless of the public will, — 
Gen. MetcalPs declarations, go to prove the same facts. When told, 
after the Presidential election, that the vote for Mr. Adams would be 
an uphill business in Kentucky, he replied "Ifcar me have done too much 
for our friend.'" 1 Early in January 1825, when speaking to Mr. Hitt, 
who was then at Washington City, in relation to the Presidential elec- 
tion, he observed that he knew but little more upon that subject at th«f 



[ 12 j 

time, than when he come there; wt stand vmcontMilltdj^m must know some- 
thing how the cabinet is to be ftlled. That knowledj e was afterwards ob- 
talw-d as two of his colleagues have declared, n v - distinctly ascertaining 
that if Mr* Adams was made President, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary 
of State y H\i of which took placed according to the arrangement.— 
Mr. Adams was made President, and Mr. Clay his inveterate enemy was 
made Secretary of Slate. All this is done by the very men, who, but 
a few months before, were loudest in their denunciations of Mr, Adams; 
And they are now ready to cry, 

"Now is the winter ofour discontent, made glorious summer, 
And all the clouds that lowered upon our house, 
In the deep bosom of the ocean buried/' 

No sooner had this new arrangement taken place, than a kind oi 
general older was issued, for all to send in their adhesion: no stubborn- 
ness of temper is to be manifested, but they are to love and hulk as it 
mav suit the interest of Mr. Clay, All their former opinions in relation 
to Mr. Adams are to be thrown away; if not, by the resolution now be- 
fore us, judgement of condemnation is to be entered up against all 
for their contumacy. And what is still more strange, some of those who 
arenou moat intolerant were ostensibly the devoted friends ofGcn. Jack- 
son, when the resolutions passed the Legislature of Kentucky in 1024, 
and by their vote declared that he was the second choice of the people 
of Kentucky — Mr. Adams had then no place in their affections, their 
fears were, least he might work himself into office. I shall never fore I 
said Mr. D. the observations of a distinguished gentleman who was ad 
locating the passage of the ive?olution-. To use his own language he said, 
that ),c apprehended we vac about to be sold fiike a Virginia out farm, 
with the stock of Negroes upon it. — This was the language at that time; but 
oh, how changed. They are now ready, to bow with humble submis- 
sion to the powers that be, and require every one to be as subservient 
as themselves. 

Il is ajso proved that three or four weeks before the presidential 
election, Mr* F. P. Blair, the intimate and confidential friend of Mr. 
Clay, and who resided in Frankfort, had by some means received in- 
formation, that if Mr. Adams could be made President, Mr. Clay would 
be made Secretary. This, Mr. Blair communicated to several of his 
confidential friends, urging them to wiite to Mr. White, the member in 
Co:rn >s from the district, instructing him to vote for Mr. Adams. — 
Mr. Jepthah Dudley one of the persons to whom application was made, 
refused to do so, in as much, as it would be inducing Mr. While to do an 
act, in opposition to the known will of the State. Mr. Blair when call- 
ed upon to be sworn as a witness/or the purpose of proving from whom he 
got the information already mentioned, refused to be sworn, or to give 
evidence, alledging that the information which he had received was con- 
fidential in the way of private correspondence: from whom it docs 
not certainly appear, but the mind is necessarily led strongly to suspect 
that it was from Mr. Clay r himself. No one can doubt but that it was 
from a source perfectly satisfactory to Mr. Blair, or he would not have 
•o readily engaged, in procuring the necessary means, to accomplish an 



I 18 | 

obje< I of such magnitude. Many letters I understand were written to 
Mr. While, to r tin: puiposc of effecting tins object. Can we believe 
that any man would have written to Mr. White to disobey the Legisla- 
tive instructions, it he had not previously understood distinctly what 
great object was to bo effected by such a dereliction of duly. Where 
is the man that upon mere conjecture would incur a responsibility so 
great? We think it is hazarding but little to say that no such man could 
be found. But to say the least, it affords conclusive evidence that apo- 
liiical marriage was anticipated between Messrs. Clay and Adams, which 
afterwards took place. 

1 cannot avoid said Mr. D. noticing the course which some gentlemen 
have pursued upon thU> occasion. IS o sooner was Mr. Blair presented 
»s a witness, and refused (o be sworn, than wc find the gentleman from 
Nelson (Mr. Hardin) rising in his place, and informing the witness that 
while a majority uf the Bouse would net oppose his giving evidence, yet they 
wo aid not take any step to compel him to do so, that liuy were only desirous 
to hear trilling witnesses. This could be understood in no other way 
than telling the witness, stnkto it my good fellow, dont give ymr evidence 
and we the majority of this House are determined not to compel yon — we only 
want t > hear willing witnsses, The gentleman from Lincoln, seemed 
ive the most awful forebodcings, as to what the witness would say. 
He seized upon the earlest moment to inform him, that confidence was 
a rare article these times, and that Mr. Blair deseived great credit for 
the high ground he had taken. It is a little surprising, that if gentle- 
men had such high cohdence in the purity of all that has taken place, 
that they should encourage the witness to stand mute, and treat with 
contempt theirown authority. If they had no fearful apprehensions 
that some important disclosuie was about to be made, why not let us 
examine the witness, atleastas far as it would have been just and pro- 
per to have gone; nor do I know that any gentleman would have 
wished the witness to have disclosed confidential matters. But it is be- 
lieve*! that he knows may things, which he did not receive confidential- 
ly. We had to appeal to the majority, to enforce the authority of this 
house in order to compel the witnesses to give evidence — did they 
do so? They certainly did not — Had not the minority a right to ex- 
pect when they entered into this investigation, that every fare and hon- 
orable course would be pursued, calculated to elicit the truth. Instead 
of that, we have found gentlemen voting that the witnesses should not 
be sworn. 

But what are the evidences furnished by Mr. Clay himself! It ap- 
pears from the statement ofMaj. Carneal, that he was anxious that the 
Legislature should not pass resolutions, instructing our members in Con- 
gn -, to vote for <i<n. Jncksog. And what are the reasons he gives'? 
Why forsooth.it would be calculated to trammel the representatives — 
that lie himsell was uncommitted and free to act. — 1 would suppose said 
Mr. D. that nothing would be more gratifying to a representative who 
wae desirous of conforming to public will, then to know what were the 
wishes ofhis constituents, in order that he might not be left tor the exer- 
cise of his own judgment, particularly upon a subject so important. — 
Bulil -cms upon this occasion, Mr. Clay did not desire to know what 



L & J 

public sentiment was, but that every thing should remain as uncertain 
as possible. He did not wish, in the language of one of his political 
friends to enter upon the- political arena handcuffed. lie wanted as much 
sea room as possible, or in other words, he wanted Kentucky as a capi- 
tal, upon which he could do a large trading business. 

It is, worthy of marked attention that a few weeks before the presi- 
dential election Mr. Amos Kendall received a letter from Mr. Clay, of- 
fering him a place at Washington City, iontivgknt upon the event, of the 
presidential election* This proves conclusively, that Mr. Clay was ma- 
king calculations which depended unco that event, and upon that con- 
tingency, were his calculations based, of providing for Mr. Kendall. We 
presume there are but few who can entertain, any serious doubts, as to 
the true meaning of this letter. It speaks a language pointing to events 
which shortly alter took place. 

I will fall the attention of the House to the evidence of Mr. Oliver 
Keen and Maj. M'Alear: they prove that in the fall of 1824, before Mr. 
Clay started on to Congress, he stated that he had written to Gen. 
Jackson to come to Lexington, and goon with him to Washington Cii\. 
£i) is statement can be proved by many others. It is a little surprising 
that if Mr. Clay disliked Gen. Jackson as much as he would wish the 
world to believe; if he had made up his mind before that time, to vote 
for Mr. Adams, that he should desire the company of that gentleman a 
journey of sis or seven hundred miles, when it would only be calculated 
to embarrass them both. Did he intend to say to Gen. Jackson, although 
I have sought your company, and you have been kind enough to recip- 
rocate my wish by coming, yet 1 do not intend to support you; Mr. 
Adams is the man I intend to support, be cautious how you converse 
upon the subject; let no fugitive expression escape your lips, tor to be 
plain I do not like you. and why i sent lor yon 1 cannot well tell myself. 
Or did ho intend if Gen. Jackson had attended to his invitation, to have 
tried if possible, to have raised himself into credit with him, by kind at- 
tentions, and in that way have had two strings io his bozo. The conduct 
of Mr. Clay after he arrives at Washington City was very mysterious. 
He urges the Kentucky delegation not to commit themselves', he wishes 
ihtnilo keep darh\ no suggestion that he had made up his mind before 
lie left home, to vole for Mr. Adams — not. dword of ail this, but they are 
urged not to commit themselves. And why? because it enabled Mr. 
( 'lay to carry on a successful negotiation. So soon as it was distinctly 
ascertained that if Mr. Adams was made President, Mr. day would be made 
Secretary, then a majority of the Kentucky delegation comes out for 
Mr. Adam?, the long silence is broke, Mr. Clay could not get to be sec- 
retary unh"-s the will of the people svas set at nought, and Mr, Adams 

tde President. This is the apology offered hy those who done the 
act, and the people are now indicted by this House, as malicious 
slanderours, for talking about it. 

Mr. D. said that from the language of the resolution, it would seem 
that a majority of this Hosue, was in a suitable frame of mind to ferret 
out slander and expose the defamours <<> public view. It is however to 
be regretted, that notwithstanding//^ d - '•;( andfei lings of indigna- 

tion which this hm ' body enter .Ar, that they 



( 15 ) 

haw been compelled upon iheir oaths of office to declare that all that 
Mr. Clay said and published about Mr. Adams previous to the last pres- 
idential election was true, and that Mr. Clay Waa justified in making 
those publications. — What evidence of reformation has since been fur- 
nished by Mr. Adams, if any, I have not heard; nor have I understood, 
that his political sentiments, had undergone any change in relation to 
the west. He got not a single electoral \ote in the stale at the last 
election, nor did he seem to be thought of by any one as (he choice of 
the people of Kentucky — yet by sorre kind of magic, he has all at once 
become such a favorite (particularly with this honorable body,) that 
with (hep concern and feelings of just indignation, they are about to declare 
and publish to the world, all as malicious slander oars who have had the 
audacity to complain of the unnatural coalition between Messrs. Adams 
and Clay. As long as Mr. Clay thought proper to abuse Mr. Adams, 
every thing was well enough, nor did it seem to enter into the mind of 
any one that Mr. Adams was slandered, although news-papers and 
pamphlets teemed with abuse, for more than three years. But no soon- 
er does Mr.Clay connect himself with that gentleman than a wonderous 
work is performed. The tone is altogether changed, those who seemed 
most intolerant against Mr. Adams uhile Mr. Cloy was opposed to him, be- 
come at once converted, and like all new converts, their hearts seem to 
overflow with love. Their sensibilities are so highly awakened for 
Mr. Adams on account of the many fabe and malicious slanders which 
he has suffered, that nnlli deep conarn and feelings of just indignation, they 
denounce all as malicious slanierours who differ with them in opinion. — 
Yes Mr, Speaker, the conversion of some gentlemen, has been almost 
miraculous — in November 1824, they were for Mr. Clay — in December 
for Gen. Jackson — in February for Mr. Adams. — In three successive 
months they had three Presidents, and were perfectly satisfied each 
time, and no doubt should it become necessary for them to experience 
further change they will be enabled to perform the task without much 
diiliculty. 

But it is said Mr. Clay disliked Gen. Jackson so that he could not 
vote for him. Mr. Clay was a public servant, and was bound to vote 
for that man whom the people wished. To attempt as an apology for a 
dereliction of duty, that he himself did not like Gen. Jackson is adding 
insult to injury — his opinion was no more than that of any other indi- 
vidual — he had no right to choose for the people, particularly as he 
seems to have been deeply interested in the choice which he made. — 
When I gay deeply interested, I mean so far as cftice and i!s emoluments 
would influence the mind of men. But if personal hostility operated so 
powerfully upon the mind of Mr. Clay; it was certainly not the ease 
with Mr. Trimble & Mr. Johnston, They hated Mr. Adam*, and for anj 
thing that appears had no particular dislike to Gen. Jackson — yet 
with all their hatred, by some kind of enchantment they arc got to vote 
for Mr. Adams — they become very much pleased all at once, and 
make choiceof the man whom nine tenths of the people of Kentucky had 
denounced. 

Before I set down permit me to sa\ that if in the course of this debate, 
I have made any remarks calculated lo wound the feeling of any g< 



( 16 ) 

tleman in this House, it has not been intended by mc — 1 consider the 
conduct of public men a proper subject of investigation. Any abuse 
of power by those who are entrusted by the people, can only be cor- 
rected by the people themselves in a display of their sovereign will. 
It is by vigilence upon the part of the people, that we are to expert 
their rights to be preserved, and the great principles of the government 
sustained. Whenever the people shall begin to tolerate abuses and ex- 
cuse a dereliction of duty, because some popular leader, was thereby 
promoted; it will not be long before abuses will multiply, and their 
former acquiescence will be quoted as authority. It is in that way 
that all free governments have been distroyed, and the people ensla- 
ved. Whatisthe question presented to the American people? will 
you at the next election approve or disapprove of the manner in which 
Messrs Adams and Clay come into office? Those who believe ihat 
they come into power with the approbation of a majority of the peo- 
ple of the United States, will support them, but those who think other- 
wise, I trust will enter their protest against any such unlawful com- 
bination. 



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